IITians focus on rural India -Editorial

For most people, tough times mean tough choices. But here’s a really offbeat one — the high profile alumni of India’s premier tech schools
have decided to lend a hand to grassroots development, as the corporate world is getting buffeted by the worst recession in decades. The old boys of the IITs have opted to focus on the India that lives in villages at their annual jamboree which is being held at IIT-Madras later this week.

The most prominent ‘made in India’ global network has decided that this is the best time to highlight the contribution of people from rural areas in the development of India. This is a big change from earlier high-profile PanIIT meetings which have either been about providing mentorship and business tips for budding entrepreneurs from the alma mater or schmoozing with politicos in Delhi or Capitol Hill and networking with global business biggies.

From 2003, when the annual IIT alumni event first started, it’s been held alternately in the US and India and has been a gathering of industry honchos, government and thought leaders and, of course
, corporate bigwigs. But this year, there will be a bit of a difference. The galaxy of big names such as economist Rahguram Rajan, marketing guru C K Prahalad, former McKinsey chief Rajat Gupta, steel king L N Mittal and TCS chief S Ramadorai will rub shoulders with IIT Madras alumni R Madhavan, notably of the Padapai Farms, and village sarpanch Popatrao Pawar from Hiware Bazarin Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra.

What could be a better time than now — when financial behemoths and MNCs around the world are staving off bankruptcies — to get back to the basics? And in keeping with the new spirit, rural transformation is set to take centre stage. The IITs’ old boys will engage in the development of India’s 6 lakh-plus villages where over 70% of the population lives. For all you know, our IIT men may be able to address village-level problems before the truant politician does. And in the bargain, some of them may hopefully take to politics! And why not?

Independent directors fail -Editorial

The role of independent directors needs to be scrutinised more closely after their complicity — or indifferent attitude — in the decision
by Satyam’s promoters to buy out two family-owned companies. It is surprising that one independent director, who also heads a prestigious business school, asserted on a news channel that the decision taken by the board was in good faith!

He also defended the board’s decision, even though it had to be withdrawn under pressure from non-promoter shareholders. One is left wondering what is the level of due diligence independent directors on board of companies exercise. Do they reckon their responsibility ends with complying with a checklist?

The whole idea behind mandating independent directors was to ensure companies follow good corporate governance practices and protect interests of minority shareholders. They are required to exercise oversight to prevent wilful compromise of the interest of other stakeholders.

It is unfortunate that in many instances companies have made a mockery of the statutory provision requiring appointment of independent directors. Many appoint their friends and high profile names (read, consultants) who lack the qualification to become independent directors. Some government owned companies too are guilty of such practice.

The saving grace is that institutional investors
and minority shareholders have acted to ensure good corporate governance practices are not compromised. Minority shareholders have acted to protect their interest earlier too: in Sterlite Industries, where the management proposed to demerge certain units of the company, and in DLF where promoters tried to deny minority shareholders participation in the rights issue.

These instances of promoter high-handedness does not necessarily call for tighter corporate governance codes. We have enough laws in place. Clause 49 of the Listing Agreement, are on par with those in other parts of the world. What is required at this stage is that our companies follow the law in spirit and not in letter alone.

In addition, the small investor protection forums need to be promoted and strengthened to give minority shareholders a platform to seek a redressal of their grievances.

A minor hiccup at WTO - Editorial

The World Trade Organisation’s director-general Pascal Lamy is known for many things, but being defeatist is not one of them. Cautious optimism 

and determination to persevere in the face of incredible odds have been his trade mark style. Even so, most observers were surprised when the ebullient WTO chief announced his desire to hold a mini-ministerial later this month to thrash out pending issues in the Doha Round. With the ongoing economic crisis spreading its tentacles and showing every sign of becoming deeper and more intractable, few governments have either the time or the inclination to address trade issues. Never mind that these might well be part of the solution that is evading the world economy in its bid to ward of a repeat of the 1930s’ Depression. 

Policy makers realise this full well. The resolution passed at the conclusion of the meeting of the G20 heads of governments in Washington in November underscored the “critical importance of rejecting protectionism and not turning inward in times of financial uncertainty”. Further, the assembled leaders promised to “strive to reach agreement this year on modalities that leads to a successful conclusion to the WTO’s Doha Development Agenda with an ambitious and balanced outcome”. More to the point, they called on trade ministers to work towards this objective, assuring them they (the leaders) stood “ready to assist directly, as necessary”. 

However, a lot has changed since then. The US is formally in a recession, as is much of the developed world. On paper, all countries recognise the greatest collective good can come only through greater global co-operation, including exchange rate policies that encourage re-balancing of trade and investment flows. But in practice, few are willing to look beyond their own national interest. And when the gulf between developing countries and the US is as wide as it is in the present Doha round, especially in agriculture, there is only so much the WTO chief can do. For now! What is important is not to lose heart or give up; there is too much at stake. In the WTO marathon, one ministerial less will not alter the outcome. The end goal is still worth pursuing.

Welcome amendment in anti-terror law -Editorial

While the Union Cabinet’s approval of the proposal to amend the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 and setting up of a National

Investigation Agency (NIA) was deemed necessary in the wake of the Mumbai terror attacks, shaping the contours of such amendments and the scope and role of the NIA remains fraught with problems. While the relevant Bills are expected to be soon introduced in Parliament, the NIA seems to be envisaged as an agency that can both take care of the interests of the states as well as have the powers to suo motu take up cases related to terrorist acts. The apparent political consensus on these proposals, while heartening, needs to be strengthened in order to allay the fears of an agency like the NIA being used against state’s interests in the future. The states tend to be suspicious of any law that impinges on their jurisdiction in regard to law and order, which is constitutionally mandated as a state subject.

The NIA must be envisaged as a wholly impartial and unbiased organisation that not only preserves the state’s jurisdiction over law and order issues but also functions without recourse to community profiling. The issue of framing tougher anti-terror laws is also of critical interest for our society. While measures like ensuring speedy trials through special courts could prove effective, it has been conclusively proved in the past that harsh laws like POTA have been misused brazenly. The need of the hour is enabling the proposed federal agency with suitable powers as well as ensuring that principles of federalism, justice and fundamental rights are maintained.

A federal agency operating on such lines would, indeed, be an effective counter-terror measure. But there is a marked difference between mere containment of terrorism and actually preventing it. While the latter entails measures like greater coordination between various intelligence outfits, there should also be a greater stress on issues like ensuring better community policing. There is, in the final analysis, no substitute for efficient local policing. To that end, carrying out the much-needed police reforms must be given priority as a critical aspect of the fight against terrorism.

Victory for good governance -Editorial

A scandalous debacle has been averted, so we can all breathe more easily about corporate governance. On Tuesday, Satyam Computers chief Ramalinga 

Raju proposed to strip the company of cash and convert it into a debtor in order to buy stakes in businesses run by his family members. He claimed that this would diversify Satyam out of computer software into infrastructure and realty, which he claimed would hold up better than software services in the difficult times ahead. But outraged investors saw the move for what it was - a massive transfer of wealth from a company in which the Rajus have a 8.5% stake to other family-owned business. 

Foreign institutional investors condemned the move and sold Satyam's ADRs in New York massively, driving down its price from $12 to $5.70. Chastened by this blow to his finances and credibility, Raju called off the deal. Optimists will say he was good enough to bow to shareholder pressure. Cynics will say that market pressure, especially exerted by foreign investors, bludgeoned him into good governance. Legally, Raju needed no shareholder clearance: approval from a supine board was enough. This approach was used by promoters galore in past decades to milk widely-held companies to benefit family-run concerns. Such wealth diversion was quite common before the 1990s. Fortunately India has been transformed subsequently. Part of the credit goes to regulators, notably SEBI. 

But more important has been pressure from investors in a liberalised economy. FIIs have been the biggest force for change, ably supported by private sector mutual funds. The Indian stock market was called a snake-pit until the early '90s, rife with rigging, front-running, fake share certificates, and constant fiddling with delivery dates by brokers. Today, India has one of the best capital markets among developing countries. Any promoter seen to be swindling shareholders suffers an instant blow to his share price, and suddenly finds future funding difficult to get, within India or abroad. Fear of such market penalties, more than any regulations, has motivated businessmen to improve corporate governance. The Satyam episode exemplifies how globalisation has helped improve shareholder value and corporate governance.

Inflation retreats; now address growth -Editorial

The sharper-than-expected fall in inflation measured by the wholesale price index (WPI) to a nine-month low of 6.84% for the week ended December 

6 brings some much-awaited cheer to both policymakers and the public. 

While stock markets promptly rose on the news, the BSE sensex ending the day 361 points up to close above the 10,000 mark, what is encouraging is that coming weeks should see inflation fall further. First, as the follow on impact of the cut in fuel prices and later the reduction in aircraft turbine fuel prices is felt. 

Though the reduction in the price of petrol may not have much impact on wholesale prices, the reduction in diesel and ATF prices will, since transport cost is an important input in the costing of other products. Global oil prices have, in the meanwhile, continued to fall — oil is now below $40 a barrel. Hence the index for the ‘fuel, power, light and lubricants’ group, which declined 3.7% during the week due to lower prices of naphtha, furnace oil, bitumen, etc, whose prices are market-determined, is likely to fall further. 

What is even more welcome is the 0.4% decline in the index for primary articles and the 0.5% decline in the food articles group due to lower prices of some pulses, fruit and vegetables, tea and barley. To the extent food constitutes a major chunk of the consumption basket for a large and vulnerable section of the population, the decline in food prices is a happy augury. 

For a government battling bad news on the GDP and industrial production front, declining inflation gives it the much-needed elbow room to consider more stimulus measures — especially if global commodity prices continue to fall, as seem likely. In the US the consumer price index dropped to 1.1% year-on-year in November compared to 3.7% year-on-year in October. We are a long way from that. 

Nevertheless, the inflation-growth equation, so far more or less evenly balanced between growth and, now stands firmly tilted in favour of growth. More so, if the decline in WPI is also a reflection of demand contraction. There is some evidence of this from the decline (0.3%) in the index for manufactured products group at a time when growth of manufacturing output is slowing, if not falling. Clearly we have beaten some devils; but others remain.

Respite for young school children - Editorial

Just every now and then there comes along an idea which makes us feel some form of nirvana might be attained in our benighted land. Quite a few 

adults, having suffered the travails of the school system in India, would be interested in the news that the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Bill, 2008, was introduced last week in the Rajya Sabha. 

If the Bill has its way, no school in the land can fail or turf out children for reasons of poor performance until a certain stage. The onus of responsibility for academic progress would, in fact, rest on the schools themselves. Now this is reason enough to cause rapturous joy among the youngsters, hitherto victims of the undeniable tyranny of an early-age rat race. 

But the Bill would also possibly rekindle or maybe even relieve some of the suppressed anguish of many a grown Indian. There would doubtless be many amongst us who sometimes still, years after the ordeal has passed, wake up with the peculiar and un-nameable dread associated with having to face that school examination with an empty mind. 

And though there might be some residual cheer to be had from the fact that future generations might be allowed some peace, at least in early life, nothing really can cure that memory of distilled fear that school instilled in many a tremulous young heart. That, alas, was merely inevitable karma for many of us. 

The implications of this Bill are most profound. Indeed, this could well be the locus of the socio-political change we so badly need. To envisage a possibility where children, the whole lot of them, actually enjoy going to school, and even — though one remains timid on this point — perhaps actually learn something in their formative years, means nothing short of radical change. 

This could spell the formation of constructive, reasonable and untraumatised generations. Which is precisely what we need. The authors of the Bill must post-haste be declared national treasures.

Indian Muslims are unique community - Editorial

The distinctiveness of Indian Muslims is asserting itself again. Over the past few months, Muslim theologians distanced themselves from what has 

come to be branded “Islamist terror” in the media followed by an organised expression of unqualified disapproval by as many as 6,000 ulema from around the country gathered in Hyderabad specifically for the purpose. 

This highlights the distinctiveness of Indian Muslims which has evolved through centuries of Indian history. There is probably no other instance of the ulema rising up in protest against terrorism on this scale anywhere else in the world. And in the wake of the Mumbai attacks, ordinary as well as elite Muslims also gave public vent to their outrage. 

To appreciate this distinctiveness , it is instructive to look at the process of conversions to Islam that took place in India. 

The Muslims inhabiting the Indian subcontinent comprise the largest concentration of the community in the world. The easiest assumption is that conversions were effected by the might of the medieval Muslim state in India over the six centuries that it ruled. Yet, interestingly there is not a single book on the subject of conversion in India as a whole. 

There are two books on the subject in Kashmir, another on Bengal. That’s it. The reason is that there is not enough historical evidence to substantiate a book length work. This in turn implies that conversion did not take place at the hands of one agency or at one go or for one reason, either by the use of force or temptation or persuasion. For, if such had been the case, there was no way it could have escaped being recorded either by Islamic scholars or their opponents. 

Indeed, the geographical distribution of the density of Muslim population in the subcontinent flies in the face of the notion that the medieval Indian state could have been even the chief agency of conversion. The highest density is located in four geographical peripheries of the subcontinent: the Kashmir valley in the north, Pakistan in the west, Bangladesh in the east and in the Malabar region down south. 

That is where the Muslims are, and were, in a majority. These were also the political peripheries of the medieval Muslim state. Kashmir had turned to Islam long before the medieval Indian state reached there in Akbar’s reign. West Punjab was a land where the hold of the medieval state was forever disputed and tenuous. East Bengal was seldom under the control of Delhi or Agra either and the Muslim state’s reach never extended to Kerala anyway. 

On the other hand, in the heartland of the Muslim empire — Bihar, UP, Delhi, East Punjab — for nearly six centuries the Muslims never exceeded around 15 per cent of the total population . Significantly, the massive conversions amounting to about a 50 per cent rise — from about one in six to one in four of the population — occurred between the second quarter of the 19th century and 1941, the last census before the partition, when the British ruled here. And overall, a fraction less than 25 per cent of the population had converted from the arrival of Islam in India to about the time of the partition. 

Massive as these conversions are, two things stand out: if the medieval Indian Muslim state had taken upon itself the role of the religious zealot, it could not have been satisfied with converting just about one in every six inhabitants ; and, the process of conversion was so slow, spread out over such long stretches of time and almost imperceptible that medieval historians and litterateurs, both Hindu and Muslim, failed to notice and record it, except as sporadic events. 

It is this slow, stretched out process that explains the persistence of a wide spectrum of pre-Islamic , sometimes even anti-Islamic , customs, ceremonies, values and mores among the converts. Historian Ghulam Ahmad Tabtabai, writing in the 1780s, noted that the Muslims celebrated Holi as much as the Hindus. 

And Mirza Qateel a little later said that except for the Afghans and fanatics among Muslims, everyone played Holi and celebrated Diwali. But much more significant is the fact that militancy has never found much civil support either among the Hindus or Indian Muslims. 

It, therefore, becomes understandable that all the assaults on temples, mosques and dargahs in the past few years with the clear intention of inflaming communal passions and inciting violence have failed to provoke a single incident of rioting. 

The Indian Muslims are thus a part of that all encompassing civilisation of which tolerance of difference is a central feature. The offence that Islamic militants have caused to this civilisation and to the Muslims in the process is now being confronted with protests from within the community. 

One happy result of these happenings is the gradual lifting of the siege mentality with which Indian Muslims have lived for a long time. The seeping realisation that peace lies in reaching out, rather than sulking in isolation from the other communities, bodes well for us all. It has the capability to erode the hold of other forms of communalism as well. 

(The writer was professor of history at JNU, New Delhi.)

Is it the ODI effect? -Editorial

Within a week, two Test teams have successfully chased scores in the region of 400 in different continents. On December 15, India won the 

Chennai Test by scoring 387 for 4 in the fourth innings with almost 45 minutes to spare. On December 21, South Africa won the Perth Test by scoring 414 for 4 in the fourth innings. 

The record for successfully chasing the highest-ever score in Test cricket goes to the West Indies who knocked up 418 for 7 against Australia at St John’s, Antigua, in May, 2003. Some 32 years have elapsed since India beat the West Indies by scoring 406 for 4 in the Trinidad Test of April, 1976. And 60 years have elapsed since Don Bradman’s team of ‘The Invincibles’ scored 404 for 3 to beat England at Leeds. 

That was in an era when the pitch was not covered for the duration of the match (with the exception of the bowler’s footholds) and its character could be affected by everything from overnight rain to dew. Which was why, writing for the Gulf News in January 2006, the late Bob Woolmer wondered how Sehwag would have fared on an uncovered pitch in the days when bowlers could rub the ball into the dust and how many runs Bradman would have scored in the modern era when the rules favour batsmen. 

However, Woolmer and India’s coach Gary Kirsten all played in an era when T20 cricket was unknown and one-day internationals (ODIs) were a diversion from what the purists considered genuine cricket. 

Apart from the better wickets today’s Tests are played on, another key factor for two of the four 400-plus scores in cricketing history being chased down in the last six to seven years could be the fact that the six ODI scores of 400-plus have been registered in the last 33 months, four of them in 2006. 

It is logical to assume that the ODI habit of batting aggressively could have spilled over into Test cricket. T20 could further accelerate the trend, especially on good batting wickets.

Political class undermining Institutions -Editorial

The fallout of Union minister for minority affairs A R Antulay’s remarks on the killing of ATS chief Hemant Karkare displays the worst of the 

Indian political class’ habitual politicisation of terror as well as the propensity to communalise situations. The only thing possibly worse than Antulay’s insinuation that the ATS chief’s murder was part of some dark conspiracy is his dogged insistence to stick to his baseless claim. 

Apart from the fact that a veteran politician and a former chief minister of Maharashtra thought it fit to try and legitimise a conspiracy theory, to do so in the case of such a sensitive issue symbolises the deeper malaise that afflicts our political system. The way the ATS had been conducting investigations into various terrorist incidents, including the Malegaon blasts, was exemplary. 

And yet, the reactions from across the political spectrum to the ATS’ Malegaon probe highlighted precisely the communalisation of terror that has prevented the emergence of a holistic and unified counter-terror mechanism. Earlier, the BJP had virtually sought to invent a ‘patriotic terror’ formulation and targeted the ATS — and particularly Karkare himself — in its desperate attempts to muddy the Malegaon probe. 

And now, the Congress’ juggling act on Antulay’s remarks once again posits the party’s sleight-of-hand votebank politics. In the process, as witnessed in the current session of Parliament, there is also the possibility of the rare show of political unity witnessed in the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks falling apart. 

Both the BJP’s earlier tirade against the ATS as well as Antulay’s conspiracy theory only end up undermining state institutions themselves. What both said, in effect, was that they don’t trust the country’s police investigations. Faced with the collective task of fighting terrorism, more so since it also entails dealing with Pakistan, such politicking on security matters can only spell failure. 

On the Congress’ part, it is important to at least ask Antulay to retract his statement, if not accept his reported resignation. It needs no emphasising that using terror as another vote-bank tool, particularly in the current climate and with impending Lok Sabha polls, can only perpetuate the cycle of strife.

Amazing Pictures

NAtural Pictures

President Kennedy Speech - Man on the moon

The Constitution imposes upon me the obligation to "from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union." While this has traditionally been interpreted as an annual affair, this tradition has been broken in extraordinary times.

These are extraordinary times. And we face an extraordinary challenge. Our strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the role of leader in freedom's cause. No role in history could be more difficult or more important. We stand for freedom. That is our conviction for ourselves-that is our only commitment to others. No friend, no neutral and no adversary should think otherwise. We are not against any man-or any nation-or any system-except as it is hostile to freedom. Nor am I here to present a new military doctrine, bearing any one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to promote the freedom doctrine. …

IX. Space

Finally, if we are to win the battle that is now going on around the world between freedom and tyranny, the dramatic achievements in space which occurred in recent weeks should have made clear to us all, as did the Sputnik in 1957, the impact of this adventure on the minds of men everywhere, who are attempting to make a determination of which road they should take. Since early in my term, our efforts in space have been under review. With the advice of the Vice President, who is Chairman of the National Space Council, we have examined where we are strong and where we are not, where we may succeed and where we may not. Now it is time to take longer strides-time for a great new American enterprise-time for this nation to take a clearly leading role in space achievement, which in many ways may hold the key to our future on earth.

I believe we possess all the resources and talents necessary. But the facts of the matter are that we have never made the national decisions or marshaled the national resources required for such leadership. We have never specified long-range goals on an urgent time schedule, or managed our resources and our time so as to insure their fulfillment.

Recognizing the head start obtained by the Soviets with their large rocket engines, which gives them many months of lead-time, and recognizing the likelihood that they will exploit this lead for some time to come in still more impressive successes, we nevertheless are required to make new efforts on our own. For while we cannot guarantee that we shall one day be first, we can guarantee that any failure to make this effort will make us last. We take an additional risk by making it in full view of the world, but as shown by the feat of astronaut Shepard, this very risk enhances our stature when we are successful. But this is not merely a race. Space is open to us now; and our eagerness to share its meaning is not governed by the efforts of others. We go into space because whatever mankind must undertake, free men must fully share.

I therefore ask the Congress, above and beyond the increases I have earlier requested for space activities, to provide the funds which are needed to meet the following national goals:

First, I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish. We propose to accelerate the development of the appropriate lunar space craft. We propose to develop alternate liquid and solid fuel boosters, much larger than any now being developed, until certain which is superior.

We propose additional funds for other engine development and for unmanned explorations -- explorations which are particularly important for one purpose which this nation will never overlook: the survival of the man who first makes this daring flight. But in a very real sense, it will not be one man going to the moon-if we make this judgment affirmatively, it will be an entire nation. For all of us must work to put him there.

Secondly, an additional 23 million dollars, together with 7 million dollars already available, will accelerate development of the Rover nuclear rocket. This gives promise of some day providing a means for even more exciting and ambitious exploration of space, perhaps beyond the moon, perhaps to the very end of the solar system itself.

Third, an additional 50 million dollars will make the most of our present leadership, by accelerating the use of space satellites for world-wide communications. Fourth, an additional 75 million dollars-of which 53 million dollars is for the Weather Bureau-will help give us at the earliest possible time a satellite system for world-wide weather observation.

Let it be clear-and this is a judgment which the Members of the Congress must finally make-let if be clear that I am asking the Congress and the country to accept a firm commitment to a new course of action-a course which will last for many years and carry very heavy costs: 531 million dollars in fiscal '62 -- an estimated seven to nine billion dollars additional over the next five years. If we are to go only half way, or reduce our sights in the face of difficulty, in my judgment it would be better not to go at all.

Now this is a choice which this country must make, and I am confident that under the leadership of the Space Committees of the Congress, and the Appropriating Committees, that you will consider the matter carefully.

It is a most important decision that we make as a nation. But all of you have lived through the last four years and have seen the significance of space and the adventures in space, and no one can predict with certainty what the ultimate meaning will be of mastery of space.

I believe we should go to the moon. But I think every citizen of this country as well as the Members of the Congress should consider the matter carefully in making their judgment, to which we have given attention over many weeks and months, because it is a heavy burden, and there is no sense in agreeing or desiring that the United States take an affirmative position in outer space, unless we are prepared to do the work and bear the burdens to make it successful. If we are not, we should decide today and this year.

This decision demands a major national commitment of scientific and technical manpower, materiel and facilities, and the possibility of their diversion from other important activities where they are already thinly spread. It means a degree of dedication, organization and discipline which have not always characterized our research and development efforts. It means we cannot afford undue work stoppages, inflated costs of material or talent, wasteful interagency rivalries, or a high turnover of key personnel.

New objectives and new money cannot solve these problems. They could in fact, aggravate them further-unless every scientist, every engineer, every serviceman, every technician, contractor, and civil servant gives his personal pledge that this nation will move forward, with the full speed of freedom, in the exciting adventure of space.

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Winston Churchill Speech - "blood, toil, tears and sweat"

I beg to move, that this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation
to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.

On Friday evening last I received His Majesty's commission to form a new Administration. It as the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition. I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Opposition Liberals, the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other positions, key positions, were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-morrow. the appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that, when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed, and took the necessary steps, in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings today, the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until Tuesday, 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Motion which stands in my name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government.

To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon. Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make allowance, all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat."

We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim?

I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."

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General Macarthur Speech - Old soldiers never die they just fade away

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride - humility in the wake of those great architects of our history who have stood here before me, pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.

Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.

I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan considerations. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.

I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.

The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector oblivious to those of another is to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.

There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.

If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his efforts. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You cannot appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia...

While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision, from a military standpoint, proved a sound one.

As I say, it proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming.

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

Apart from the military need, as I saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary --

(1) The intensification of our economic blockade against China.
(2) The imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast.
(3) Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal area and of Manchuria.
(4) Removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the Chinese mainland.

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and to bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and Allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

I called for reinforcements, but was informed that reinforcements were not available.

I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese force of some six hundred thousand men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at an approximate area where our supply-line advantages were in balance with the supply-line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized his full military potential.

I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution. Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said in effect that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth.

I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.

I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, 1945, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: "Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.

"Military alliances, balances of power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, our Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence, an improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past two thousand years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

In war there is no substitute for victory.

There are some who for varying reasons would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement had led to more than a sham peace.

Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only alternative. Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer.

Some may say to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China. Others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a worldwide basis.

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific."

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams.

The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barracks ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away.

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-by.

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Friends Romans Countrymen by William Shakespeare

The "Friends Romans Countrymen" speech is a great example of a good speech. From the start the first three words fit into the rule of three a technique not fully identified for a few hundred years. This was perhaps my first experience of a the power of a good speech - the ability of a speaker to convince an audience of their point of view. I particularly love the way in which he is able to turn the word honourable around to in fact mean dishonourable. I always chuckle when I hear British Members of Parliament talking about their Honourable Friends".

Mark Antony:

Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears;
I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him;
The evil that men do lives after them,
The good is oft interréd with their bones,
So let it be with Caesar…. The noble Brutus
Hath told you Caesar was ambitious:
If it were so, it was a grievous fault,
And grievously hath Caesar answered it….
Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest,
(For Brutus is an honourable man;
So are they all; all honourable men)
Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral….
He was my friend, faithful and just to me:
But Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man….
He hath brought many captives home to Rome,
Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill:
Did this in Caesar seem ambitious?
When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept:
Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
You all did see that on the Lupercal
I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
Which he did thrice refuse: was this ambition?
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And, sure, he is an honourable man.
I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,
But here I am to speak what I do know.
You all did love him once, not without cause:
What cause withholds you then to mourn for him?
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason…. Bear with me;
My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar,
And I must pause till it come back to me.

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To be or not to be The Tragedy of Hamlet, Prince of Denmark

Hamlet:

To be, or not to be : that is the question:
Whether 'tis nobler in the mind to suffer
The slings and arrows of outrageous fortune,
Or to take arms against a sea of troubles, And by opposing end them? To die: to sleep;
No more; and by a sleep to say we end
The heart-ache and the thousand natural shocks
That flesh is heir to, 'tis a consummation
Devoutly to be wish'd. To die, to sleep;
To sleep: perchance to dream: ay, there's the rub;
For in that sleep of death what dreams may come
When we have shuffled off this mortal coil,
Must give us pause: there's the respect
That makes calamity of so long life;
For who would bear the whips and scorns of time,
The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely,
The pangs of despised love, the law's delay,
The insolence of office and the spurns
That patient merit of the unworthy takes,
When he himself might his quietus make
With a bare bodkin? who would fardels bear,
To grunt and sweat under a weary life,
But that the dread of something after death,
The undiscover'd country from whose bourn
No traveller returns, puzzles the will
And makes us rather bear those ills we have
Than fly to others that we know not of?
Thus conscience does make cowards of us all;
And thus the native hue of resolution
Is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought,
And enterprises of great pith and moment
With this regard their currents turn awry,
And lose the name of action.--Soft you now!
The fair Ophelia! Nymph, in thy orisons
Be all my sins remember'd.

Shakespeare could have chosen to enter the speech with a remark such as "I think that I'm going to kill myself tomorrow". He chose not to. Instead he came up with the immortal words "to be or not to be" This is a great use of contrasts - "should I or shouldn't I". In essence it has similarities with the clash song "should I stay or should I go" with the words "if I stay there will be trouble, if I go it will be double"

Any way, decide for yourself whether a "bare bodkin" is better than "bearing fardels".

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American declaration of independence

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.

That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, having its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.

But when a long train of abuses and usurpations pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. Such has been the patient suffrance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their acts of pretended legislation.

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offenses:

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally, the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever:

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizen taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connection and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

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Princess Diana Speech by Earl Charles Spencer

I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock. We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so. For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they too lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.

Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality. Someone with a natural nobility who was classless and who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.

Today is our chance to say thank you for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated always that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all. Only now that you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.

We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.

There is a temptation to rush to canonise your memory, there is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humour with a laugh that bent you double.

Your joy for life transmitted where ever you took your smile and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes. Your boundless energy which you could barely contain.

But your greatest gift was your intuition and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your other wonderful attributes and if we look to analyse what it was about you that had such a wide appeal we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.

Without your God-given sensitivity we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of Aids and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of landmines.

Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.

And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.

The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability whilst admiring her for her honesty.

The last time I saw Diana was on July 1, her birthday in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honour at a special charity fundraising evening. She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact apart from when she was on display meeting President Mandela we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her - that meant a lot to her.

These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we had been transported back to our childhood when we spent such an enormous amount of time together - the two youngest in the family.

Fundamentally she had not changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends.

It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre-like life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.

There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment that she received at the hands of the newspapers. I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling.

My own and only explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum. It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this - a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.

She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate and I do this here Diana on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.

And beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.

We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role but we, like you, recognise the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.

William and Harry, we all cared desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with the sadness at the loss of a woman who was not even our mother. How great your suffering is, we cannot even imagine.

I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time. For taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life. Above all we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister, the unique, the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.

This Funeral Speech (Eulogy) was delivered following the death of Diana Princess of Wales - given at Westminster Abbey on 6 September 1997.

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Colonel Tim Collins Speech - Magnanimous in victory

We go to liberate, not to conquer.
We will not fly our flags in their country
We are entering Iraq to free a people and the only flag which will be flown in that ancient land is their own. Show respect for them.

There are some who are alive at this moment who will not be alive shortly. Those who do not wish to go on that journey, we will not send. As for the others, I expect you to rock their world. Wipe them out if that is what they choose. But if you are ferocious in battle remember to be magnanimous in victory.

Iraq is steeped in history.
It is the site of the Garden of Eden, of the Great Flood and the birthplace of Abraham.
Tread lightly there.

You will see things that no man could pay to see -- and you will have to go a long way to find a more decent, generous and upright people than the Iraqis. You will be embarrassed by their hospitality even though they have nothing.

Don't treat them as refugees for they are in their own country. Their children will be poor, in years to come they will know that the light of liberation in their lives was brought by you.

If there are casualties of war then remember that when they woke up and got dressed in the morning they did not plan to die this day.
Allow them dignity in death.
Bury them properly and mark their graves.

It is my foremost intention to bring every single one of you out alive.
But there may be people among us who will not see the end of this campaign.
We will put them in their sleeping bags and send them back.
There will be no time for sorrow.

The enemy should be in no doubt that we are his nemesis and that we are bringing about his rightful destruction. There are many regional commanders who have stains on their souls and they are stoking the fires of hell for Saddam. He and his forces will be destroyed by this coalition for what they have done. As they die they will know their deeds have brought them to this place. Show them no pity.

It is a big step to take another human life.
It is not to be done lightly.
I know of men who have taken life needlessly in other conflicts.
I can assure you they live with the mark of Cain upon them.

If someone surrenders to you then remember they have that right in international law and ensure that one day they go home to their family. The ones who wish to fight, well, we aim to please.

If you harm the regiment or its history by over-enthusiasm in killing or in cowardice, know it is your family who will suffer. You will be shunned unless your conduct is of the highest -- for your deeds will follow you down through history. We will bring shame on neither our uniform or our nation.

(On Saddam's chemical and biological weapons.)

It is not a question of if, it's a question of when. We know he has already devolved the decision to lower commanders, and that means he has already taken the decision himself. If we survive the first strike we will survive the attack.

As for ourselves, let's bring everyone home and leave Iraq a better place for us having been there.

Our business now is north.

Reproduced with permission from the Royal Irish Regiment.

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Winston Churchill Speech - "We shall fight them on the beaches"

"I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone.

At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's Government-every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the nation.

The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength.

Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail.

We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old."

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I have a dream speech - Martin Luther King.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.

One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.

Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check - a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.

The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

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List of Motivational Speech Topics

1. Selling ... the game of life!
2. The future is now!
3. Talk tactics.
4. What winners do to win!
5. Get motivated!
6. Service that sizzles!
7. The rules of life.
8. Working together for fun and profit
9. Persuasive leadership.
10. Sensational selling secrets.
11. Management motivational magic.

List of Opinion Speech Topics

1. Death Penalty
2. Drinking Age
3. Nuclear Power
4. Prostitution
5. School Prayer
6. Gambling
7. Smoking
8. Gay Rights
9. Favorite holiday.
10. Favorite place
11. Welfare
12. Health/fitness
13. Heroin
14. Organ transplants/donation
15. Favorite food
16. Favorite actor
17. Political action committees
18. President Bill Clinton
19. Racial discrimination
20. Recycling
21. Favorite book
22. Favorite actress
23. Favorite car
24. Sexual-orientation discrimination
25. Speed limits
26. Sports
27. Stress management
28. Surrogate motherhood
29. Explain the benefits of drinking milk.
30. Tell us how to make a new friend.
31. How to make fresh lemonade
32. Favorite film
33. Favorite teacher

List of Group Speech Topics

General

1. Death Penalty
2. Mandatory Drug Testing
3. Decriminalization of Marijuana
4. NASA Space Program
5. Drinking Age
6. Nuclear Power
7. Prostitution
8. School Prayer
9. Gambling
10. Smoking
11. Gay Rights
12. Welfare
13. Handicap discrimination
14. Health/fitness
15. Heroin
16. Illegal aliens
17. Images (body images/focus of Health/beauty)
18. Organ transplants/donation
19. Political action committees
20. Polygraphs
21. President Bill Clinton
22. Racial discrimination
23. Recycling
24. Responsible drinking/behaviors
25. Sexual harassment
26. Sexual-orientation discrimination
27. Speed limits
28. Sports
29. Stress management
30. Surrogate motherhood

Discussion Based Group Speech Topics

1. Tell us about the best job.
2. Explain the benefits of drinking milk.
3. How to make your own valentine card
4. Tell us how to become a millionaire.
5. How to make a balloon animal
6. Tell us about the best dream you've ever had.
7. How to make fruit salad
8. Create a myth that explains why pelicans have large beaks.
9. How to change a baby’s diaper
10. Tell us how to make a new friend.
11. How to make fresh lemonade
12. Tell us about the most fun recess activity.
13. How to make a Kaleidoscope
14. Tell us about your favorite holiday.
15. How to polish leather shoes
16. Explain three different ways to eat an Oreo cookie.
17. Tell us how to make your favorite meal.
18. Explain which came first: the chicken or the egg.
19. Explain the rules to your favorite game.
20. How to remove a splinter

List of Short Speech Topics

Introduction about yourself

1. Who Am I?
2. How do you behave?
3. What do you like and dislike?
4. What do you enjoy eating, seeing, doing, and hearing?
5. What kind of person do you think you are?

Demonstration Speech about any thing.

1. A perticular event, place, object etc.
2. Most Embarrassing Moment in your life.
3. Most Happiest Moment in your life.
4. Sad and Happy Tale.
5. Pet Peeve or Opinion Speech.

List of Easy Speech Topics

1. Abortion
2. Animal Rights
3. Are there Angels among us?
4. Assisted Suicide
5. Birth Control
6. Books: are they a thing of the past
7. Beauty is more than skin deep
8. Brand Names cost more, but is the quality any better
9. Censorship of Internet
10. Chat Rooms: Are they safe
11. City Curfews
12. Cloning
13. Conservation and Recycling: Is it Important
14. Divorce: Does it destroy children
15. Donor Insemination
: Selling Babies
16. Drinking Age
17. Drug Legalization
18. Drunk Driving
19. Eating Less Meat
20. Feminism
21. Food Stamps
22. Gay Marriages
23. Gene Testing
24. Genetic Engineering
25. Ghosts: Are they real
26. Human Cloning
27. Illiteracy: Is it a problem
28. Mandatory Seatbelt Laws
29. Media Ethics
30. Medicare
31. Mothers should stay at home
32. Nuclear Weapons
33. Organ Transplants
34. Pesticide Use
35. Prayer in Schools
36. Priests: Should they be allowed to marry?
37. Privacy rights for Celebrities
38. Religions: Should they interfere with medical care?
39. Smoking in Public Places
40. Speed Limits
41. Steroids
42. Is stomach stapling the way to lose weight?
43. Terrorism
44. Test Tube Babies
45. Tobacco
46. Unemployment Compensation
47. Women in the Military
48. Wrestling and Football: Should girls be allowed?
49. Donate organs
50. Plant a tree/ plant flowers

List of Debate Speech Topics

1. Abortion
2. Gun Control
3. Animal Rights
4. Hunting
5. Censorship
6. Immigration
7. Corporal Punishment
8. Mandatory AIDS Testing
9. Death Penalty
10. Mandatory Drug Testing
11. Decriminalization of Marijuana
12. NASA Space Program
13. Drinking Age
14. Nuclear Power
15. Euthanasia
16. Prostitution
17. Foreign Aid
18. School Prayer
19. Gambling
20. Smoking
21. Gay Rights
22. Surrogacy
23. Government-Funded Health Care
24. Welfare

List of Impromptu Speech Topics

1. You are a famous rock star. Explain what the lyrics of your latest hit song mean.
2. If you were an animal, what would you be?
3. Tell us about a nickname you have and how you got it.
4. Convince us to vote for you as president of the USA.
5. Explain three uses for a pencil besides for writing.
6. Read us a letter you might write home when you are staying at a circus training summer camp.
7. Tell us about your summer plans.
8. Convince us that homework is harmful to your health.
9. Tell us about your favorite pet and why it should win the Greatest Pet Ever award.
10. You are an ant. Convince an anteater to not eat you.
11. You are a salesperson trying to sell us the shirt you have on.
12. Explain how a smart person might not be wise.
13. If you were the teacher, how would our class be different?
14. Tell us about the hardest thing you have ever done.
15. You are a mad scientist. Tell us about your latest invention.
16. You are a famous sports player. Describe your best moment of a game.
17. Tell us about the best job.
18. Explain the benefits of drinking milk.
19. Tell us how to become a millionaire.
20. Tell us about the best dream you've ever had.
21. Create a myth that explains why pelicans have large beaks.
22. Tell us how to make a new friend.
23. Tell us about the most fun recess activity.
24. Tell us about your favorite holiday.
25. Explain three different ways to eat an Oreo cookie.
26. Tell us how to make your favorite meal.
27. Explain which came first: the chicken or the egg.
28. Explain the rules to your favorite game.
29. If everything in the world had to change to the same color, what color would you choose and why?
30. Explain how you would use a hat to catch butterflies. Be sure to identify the type of hat that is required.
31. You are a piece of paper. Describe how we should use you before you get recycled.
32. Explain how to make a pizza.
33. Explain four uses for a drinking glass other than for holding a liquid.
34. Convince our principal to give students their birthdays off of school.
35. Describe how you would modify a snail so it can go faster.
36. Explain the best way to teach an old dog a new trick.
37. Describe the life cycle of a frog or butterfly.

List of Ideas for Speech Topics

1. Sales Speeches
2. Informative Speeches
3. Persuasive Speeches
4. Motivational Speeches
5. Humorous Speeches
6. Inspirational Speeches
7. Acceptance Speeches
8. Wedding Speeches
9. Political Speeches
10. Best Man Speeches
11. Maid of Honor Speeches
12. Toastmasters Speeches
13. Corporate Speeches
14. Retirement Speeches
15. Awards Presentation Speeches